By Louis Menand
At each one step of this trip via American cultural heritage, Louis Menand has an unique element to make: he explains the genuine importance of William James's anxious breakdown, and of the anti-Semitism in T. S. Eliot's writing. He finds the explanations for the awesome advertisement successes of William Shawn's New Yorker and William Paley's CBS. He uncovers the relationship among Larry Flynt's Hustler and Jerry Falwell's evangelism, among the atom bomb and the Scholastic flair attempt. He locates the significance of Richard Wright, Norman Mailer, Pauline Kael, Christopher Lasch, and Rolling Stone journal. And he lends an ear to Al Gore within the White residence because the Starr file is ultimately awarded to the general public.
Like his seriously acclaimed bestseller, The Metaphysical membership, American Studies is highbrow and cultural background at its most sensible: online game and indifferent, with a powerful interest in regards to the political underpinnings of rules and in regards to the purposes profitable rules insinuate themselves into the tradition at huge. From considered one of our best thinkers and critics, recognized either for his "sly wit and reportorial high-jinks [and] readability and rigor" (The Nation), those essays are incisive, spectacular, and very unlikely to place down.
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S. 31 Ignoring de Gaulle publicly masked the Johnson administration’s great preoccupation with the potential threat he posed to American conceptions of USEuropean relations. 34 Two themes did emerge in response to the two constraints that he faced. 35 The second was restraint in the face of de Gaulle. 36 Johnson thus sustained the American formula for Atlantic partnership and European integration as the foundation of the Western alliance as his predecessors had done. In doing so, however, Johnson faced a severe policy problem which he believed to threaten his presidency within a year of taking office.
78 Nine days after his meeting with Ball, de Gaulle gave the clearest indication to date that the warnings of an impending French move against NATO were, in fact, genuine. 79 This statement, although hazy on the specific timing 28 The United States, Britain and the Transatlantic Crisis of action, was nevertheless full of portent for the Atlantic Alliance. Just over a week later, Washington received confirmation from a respected high level source in the Quai d’Orsay that de Gaulle intended to denounce the North Atlantic Treaty in 1968 with effect in 1969 and that he would act in 1966 to extract France from NATO’s military command and to expel NATO from France.
23 The withdrawal of French forces from NATO’s integrated command structure had in fact been taking place in piecemeal fashion since 1959 when France’s Mediterranean fleet was returned to national control. 24 Instead these forces 38 The United States, Britain and the Transatlantic Crisis would come under sole French control and remain stationed in Germany under legal agreements dating from 1954. In parallel with the extraction of forces from SACEUR, there was to be a general French withdrawal from all NATO commands, including Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe, NATO (SHAPE).
American Studies by Louis Menand